FWD [forteana] Uncle Sam's Tough Sell

From: Terry W. Colvin (fortean1@mindspring.com)
Date: Mon Jun 02 2003 - 16:20:55 MDT

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    Los Angeles Times News Service, Via The Dallas Morning News, 1 June 2003
    By Milton Viorst

    Iraq's Shiites, 60 percent of the population, most of them fervently
    religious, have stunned U.S. officials who gave us the war to
    overthrow Saddam Hussein. Not only do the Shiites reject our
    occupation, but they also dismiss the Western-style democracy that we
    were assured they would welcome.

    It took hardly more than recent full-color pictures in newspapers and
    on television of Shiite men flagellating themselves until blood
    streamed from their flesh to make the case that we are dealing with
    people we don't know. Ironically, Saddam's regime had barred
    self-flagellation as barbaric. For believers, his fall did not mean
    freedom to adopt a constitution and elect a parliament; it meant
    freedom to suffer the stings of whips for a martyr who died 13
    centuries ago and to demand an Islamic state.

    When communism died at the end of the 1980s, Vaclav Havel, the poet
    who became president of Czechoslovakia, declared that "democratic
    values slumbered in the subconscious of our nations". His words
    suggest that these nations waited only for the sunshine of spring to
    awake to the democracy that had lain dormant within them. Indeed,
    societies liberated from communism, including Russia, navigated the
    currents of Western values to adopt democratic systems, though they
    sometimes perilously scraped the rocks. So did the European
    countries delivered from fascism after World War II -- Italy and
    Germany, then Spain and Portugal.

    But democratic values do not slumber in the subconscious of the
    Islamic world. Free elections threaten to bring religious extremists
    to power in Egypt, Jordan, Pakistan and even Turkey, which has been
    working at democracy for nearly a century. Were free elections held
    in Saudi Arabia, fanatics would surely triumph. In 1992, elections
    brought Algeria to the edge of Islamic rule, triggering a civil war
    that still rages. Given the substantial divisions in Iraq's
    population, and the power of religion within its Shiite majority,
    free elections there would probably produce the same outcome.

    Years ago, I asked an elderly philosopher in Damascus, Syria, to
    explain the difficulty Arabs have in mastering democracy, and he
    answered, ruefully: "The Islamic world never had a Renaissance."
    What he meant, I later understood, was that the steps toward
    secularism that Western society first took in mid-millennium are yet
    to be taken -- or, at best, have been taken only hesitantly -- within
    Islam.

    The seminal notion that the Renaissance introduced to the West was
    that mankind, not God, is at the hub of the social universe. It held
    reason to be as important as faith, and urged men and women to claim
    responsibility, free of clergy, for their own lives.

    Under the influence of texts from ancient Greece, Muslims in their
    Golden Age considered and rejected these ideas before passing the
    texts on to Europe. After triggering the Renaissance, the ideas led,
    over quarrelsome centuries, to the Reformation, the Enlightenment and
    the Scientific Revolution. While Islam remained wedded to desert
    tradition, Europe created a civilization imbued with a sense of
    individual identity, in which men and women asserted rights apart
    from those of the community. These ideas, for better or worse,
    became the foundation of the secular culture that characterizes
    Western civilization today.

    Religion by no means disappeared. Instead, it was redefined as a
    personal bond, a relationship of choice, between the individual and
    God. The redefinition made Westerners comfortable separating worship
    from the state. True, segments of the Catholic Church, Orthodox
    Jewry and evangelical Protestantism still question this arrangement.
    But the secular idea constitutes the foundation of mainstream Western
    values. Without it, democracy -- and the civil society that, along
    with the press, supports it -- would be impossible.

    This process has largely bypassed Islamic society. Muslims like to
    say that "Islam isn't just a religion; it's a way of life." What
    they mean is that there is no barrier between faith and the everyday
    world, between what is sacred and what is profane. It is not so much
    that Muslims are more pious than Westerners. It is that the
    imperatives of the culture impose limits on diversity of outlook,
    whether religious or social. These imperatives suppress the demand
    for personal identity, leaving believers with little tolerance for
    the free and open debate necessarily at democracy's core.

    Ironically, Saddam's Baath regime once promised to introduce Iraq to
    secularism. It went further than any other Arab state in
    emancipating women, curbing clerical power, promoting literature and
    arts and advancing universal literacy within a framework of modern
    education. Its tragedy is that these seeds of democracy were
    subsumed under the world's most brutal tyranny, crushing their human
    potential. After 1,400 years of Islamic conservatism and 25 of
    Saddam, there is little likelihood that a disposition to democracy
    slumbers in Iraq's psyche.

     From President Bush on down, officials who are presiding over the
    rebuilding of Iraq would be wise to remember that the values at our
    system's heart have been a thousand years in the making. No doubt
    Iraq's Shiite majority is happy at Hussein's downfall, but American
    lectures on the virtues of replacing him with democratic rule fall on
    uncomprehending ears. So much must first be done to lay a groundwork
    of individual freedom and responsibility, values that Iraqis must
    willingly embrace.

    At the moment, the majority is more comfortable with the familiar
    idea of Islamic government. The U.S. administration's vision of a
    Middle East reshaped by Western democracy, starting with Iraq, is
    naive and, moreover, delusive.

    -- 
    Terry W. Colvin, Sierra Vista, Arizona (USA) < fortean1@mindspring.com >
         Alternate: < fortean1@msn.com >
    Home Page: < http://www.geocities.com/Area51/Stargate/8958/index.html >
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