It's IRAQ, not IRAQ, for crying out loud... [Fwd: The New Universal Theory]

From: Michael M. Butler (mmb@spies.com)
Date: Wed Feb 19 2003 - 16:07:52 MST

  • Next message: brent.allsop@attbi.com: "Re: Where the I is"

    So much vitriol these days. I'm not sure the cortisol levels on either side
    permit much self-congratulatory feelgood neurochemistry, a recent post allegedly
    about civility to the contrary...

    =~=

    ³ When you read Hitler's private assessments of the man who stood between
    him and world domination, they're just silly: Churchill was "that puppet of
    Jewry." OK, that's fine as a bit of red meat tossed to the crowd when you're
    foaming at Nuremberg, but as a serious evaluation of your opponent made in
    the quiet of your study it's simply ... inadequate.²

    =~=

    THE CURTAIN WILL COME DOWN ON THE PEACENIKS

    By Mark Steyn
    The National Post | February 19, 2003

    The "peace" marches? Oh, I've nothing to say. Can't improve on Tony Blair,
    looking out of his window and observing:

    "If there are 500,000 on that march, that is still less than the number of
    people whose deaths Saddam has been responsible for.

    "If there are one million, that is still less than the number of people who
    died in the wars he started."

    In other words, if it's a numbers game, those are the ones that matter. I'm
    tempted to leave it there and go skiing, but let me come back to it in a
    roundabout sort of way. The other day I got a copy of Andrew Roberts' new
    book, Hitler And Churchill: Secrets Of Leadership, which sounds like some
    lame-o management techniques cash-in, but is, in fact, a very useful take on
    very familiar material. Most of us have read a gazillion books about the
    Second World War (when I say "most of us," I exclude the fellow in Hyde Park
    on Saturday holding a placard with the words "PEACE IN OUR TIME," and even
    then I kind of hope he was some waggish saboteur, since the notion that the
    peaceniks, though deluded, are that ignorant is a little mind-boggling).
    But, comparing Britain's and Germany's wartime leaders directly, you can't
    help feeling that victory and defeat were predetermined: As Philip Hensher
    neatly put it in his review of Roberts' essay, "Churchill knew very well
    what Hitler was like, but Hitler had no idea what sort of man Churchill
    was."

    Just so. When you read Hitler's private assessments of the man who stood
    between him and world domination, they're just silly: Churchill was "that
    puppet of Jewry." OK, that's fine as a bit of red meat tossed to the crowd
    when you're foaming at Nuremberg, but as a serious evaluation of your
    opponent made in the quiet of your study it's simply ... inadequate. This
    failure to engage with reality is particularly telling when you look at how
    each leader dealt with setbacks: During the Blitz, Churchill would stand on
    the roof and watch the Luftwaffe bombing London; in the morning, he would
    walk through the ruins. Hitler, by contrast, never visited bombed-out areas
    and, just in case the driver should take a wrong turn, he drove the streets
    with his car windows curtained. His final days were spent in a bunker -- the
    perfect ending for a man whose worldview depended on keeping reality at bay
    no matter how relentlessly it closed in on him.

    Hitler's problem was that he was over-invested in ideology. He'd invented a
    universal theory -- the wickedness of the international Jewish conspiracy --
    and he persisted in fitting every square peg of cold hard reality into that
    theory's round hole. Thus, Churchill must be a "puppet of Jewry." As a
    general rule, when it's reality versus delusion, bet on reality. That held
    true in the Cold War. Moral equivalists like Harold Pinter insisted that
    America and the Soviet Union were both equally bad. But the traffic across
    the Berlin Wall was all one way. East German guards were not unduly
    overworked trying to keep people from getting in. The Eastern bloc collapsed
    because it was a lie, and the alternative wasn't.

    Well, the Soviet Union's gone now so Pinter no longer has to observe the
    pox-on-both-their-houses niceties. Addressing the demonstrators on Saturday,
    he declared that the U.S. is "a country run by a bunch of criminals ... with
    Tony Blair as a hired Christian thug."

    Got that? It's not Saddam who's the thug, it's Tony. It's not the Baathist
    killers from Tikrit who are the bunch of criminals, it's the Republican
    Party. It's not the million-man murderer of Baghdad who's the new Hitler,
    it's George W. Bush. It's not the Iraqi one-party state with its
    government-controlled media that "crushes dissent," it's the White House.
    It's not the Wahhabis who are the fundamentalists, it's Bush, Blair and the
    other Christians. It's not Osama bin Laden who's the terrorist, it's
    American foreign policy. Supporting the continued enslavement of the Iraqi
    people is "pacifist," but it's "racist" for America to disagree with the UN,
    even though it's Colin Powell and Condi Rice doing the disagreeing and the
    fellows they're disagreeing with are a bunch of white guys from Europe.

    The new Universal Theory, to which 99% of Saturday's speakers and placards
    enthusiastically subscribed, is that, whatever the problem, American
    imperialist cowboy aggression is to blame. In fact, it's not so different
    from the old Universal Theory, in that the international Zionist conspiracy
    is assumed to be behind the scenes controlling the cowboys: Bush is a
    "puppet of Jewry," just like Churchill was -- notwithstanding the fact that
    America's Jews voted overwhelmingly for Gore. But, if you believe that the
    first non-imperialist great power in modern history is the source of all the
    world's woes, then logic is irrelevant. "It's all about oil"? Yes, for the
    French, whose stake in Iraqi oil is far more of a determining factor than
    America's ever has been or will be. "America created Saddam"? No, not
    really, the French and Germans and Russians have sold him far more stuff,
    and Paris built him that reactor which would have made him a nuclear power
    by now, if the Israelis hadn't destroyed it in the Eighties.

    But, as Colin Powell and Jack Straw have surely learned by now, there's no
    real point doing the patient line-by-line rebuttal: Nobody's interested in
    French oil contracts or German arms sales or even Saddamite corpse tallies
    because it doesn't fit into the Universal Theory which insists that
    everything can be explained by the Evil of America. On the other hand, the
    indestructible belief that "over 4,000" civilians were killed by U.S. bombs
    in Afghanistan is impervious to scientific evidence because it accords
    perfectly with the Universal Theory.

    How far are the "peace" crowd prepared to go? Well, they've stopped talking
    about their little pet cause of the Nineties, East Timor, ever since the
    guys who blew up that Bali nightclub and whoever's putting together those
    "Osama" audio tapes started listing support for East Timor's independence as
    one of the Islamist grievances against the West. But why be surprised? In
    fall 2001, being pro-gay and pro-feminist didn't stop the left defending an
    Afghan regime that disenfranchised women and executed homosexuals. Yet these
    are the same fellows who insist that a secular regime like Iraq's would
    never make common cause with Islamic fundamentalists, apparently requiring a
    higher degree of intellectual coherence of Saddam than of themselves.

    You can believe all this if you want, just as Harold Pinter believed that
    the Iron Curtain was only there to prevent fleeing Westerners from swamping
    Warsaw Pact social services. But it depends on keeping reality at arm's
    length or beyond: You're metaphorically driving around with the curtains
    drawn. Perhaps that's why so many of the "peace" crowd get ever so touchy if
    you question their slogans. If you ask a guy with an "It's All About Oil"
    sign what he thinks of the recent contracts signed between Iraq and France's
    Total Fina Elf, he looks blank for a moment and then accuses you of wanting
    to crush dissent. It's not fair, you're trying to pull back his curtain.

    I bet on reality. The defining difference between Hitler and Churchill is
    that, while the former presided over a court of sycophants, the latter
    thrived on argument and antagonism. (Lord Alanbrooke's diaries are
    especially recommended in this regard.) He had a not untypical background
    for an Englishman of his time and class -- an unexceptional public school
    education, a bit of colonial adventuring. It's what the multiculturalists
    would have us believe was a narrow and blinkered upbringing. Yet an English
    public-school debating-society approach to life served him in good stead: He
    was utterly at ease with disagreement, quite happy to have any assertion
    tested. In Saturday's demonstrations, the heirs to Churchill's Harrow
    schoolmasters were well represented -- lots of teachers and professors. Yet
    the difference between now and then is their reluctance to expose their
    assertions to debate -- these days few institutions are as aggressively
    protective of their fragile little pieties as the academy.

    Well, so be it. If everybody thought like Saturday's marchers, it would be
    curtains for all of us. But we're not quite there yet, and reality will be
    breaking in very soon. Saying that Bush is the real "weapon of mass
    destruction" is awful cute the first nine or ten thousand times, but only if
    you live in Toronto or Paris or Madrid. Viewed by an Iraqi from the reality
    of Basra, it's pathetic.



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